Cuba between reform and revolution pdf

They arrived with blueprints for towns, building materials, and, most impor- tant, agricultural stocktools, seeds, and animals.

They came to stay, to settle the colonies with a permanent resident population in an effort that was already known in ofcial circles as the Enterprise of the Indies. The new ofcial purpose in Espaola after was more than consolida- tion. It was also expansion. Ovando undertook a ruthless pacication of Indian villas, slaying Indians who resisted and enslaving those who did not. The number of Spanish settlements increased during these years.

Seven new towns were established in the west, two in the southeast, one in the norththe location of each determined by one or more of three consid- erations: the availability of Indians, the presence of gold, and access to safe port. These were years too of renewed Spanish interest in the surrounding islands in the western Caribbean. Jamaica was occupied. Reconnaissance of the Bahama Islands and surrounding waters was completed. In attention shifted to Cuba.

Interest in Cuba had waned after initial explorations had failed to produce evidence of gold on the island. Conditions had changed during the intervening fteen years, however.

Not that Spaniards abandoned completely the hope of discovering gold in Cuba. On the contrary, it was precisely the recurring rumors of gold that served to revive ofcial inter- est in the island. But other forces were also at work. The population of Spanish settlers in Espaola had increased signicantly.

Competition for shrinking resources intensied. The decline of the Indian population of Espaola more- over, reducing the number of natives available for encomienda grants, served to exacerbate these conditions. Cuba offered new opportunities at a time when many Spaniards were prepared and predisposed to seek their fortunes in other lands. Proximity and opportunity combined to make the island the logical if not inevitable territory for new expansion. In , Ovando dispatched Sebastin de Ocampo to reconnoiter Cuban coasts.

The eight-month-long circumnavigation expedition established denitively Cuban insularity. No less important, the voy- age collected detailed data about the island terrain, coastline, and harborsall vital information preliminary to the Spanish occupation of the island. Ocampo returned to Santo Domingo with more than promising topographical informa- tion, however.

He also brought back fresh reports about the existence of gold. III Preparations for the occupation of Cuba began in under the direction of Diego Valsquez, a wealthy landowner in western Espaola who had distin- guished himself in previous campaigns against the Indians. The conquest of Cuba proceeded in two waves. One expeditionary force of three hundred Spaniards under Velsquez departed from Salvatierra on the southwestern penin- sula of Espaola across the Windward Passage to the mountainous region of Mais at the eastern end of Cuba.

From Mais, Velsquez moved quickly to establish the rst permanent settlement and capital at Baracoa on the north coast. A second, smaller force originated from Jamaica under the command of Pnlo de Narvez and occupied the southern coast around the Gulf of Gua- canayabo.

The conquest of the eastern zones proceeded swiftly and ruthlessly. The Indians of the east were neither unfamiliar with Spanish motives nor unprepared for Spanish methods.

Many were victims of previous Spanish pacication cam- paigns in Espaola and, as last resort, had ed across the Windward Passage to Cuba for safety and sanctuary. They did not mistake the meaning of the Span- ish presence in Cuba. The Indians resisted with tenacity, the Spanish attacked with ferocity. Opposition collapsed within four months, and the bands that remained dispersed in disarray. The conquest of the east set the stage for the colonization of the west.

Velsquez and Narvez reorganized their combined forces into three contingents in preparation for the advance westward and a scheduled rendezvous at Carenas Bay Havana. One group sailed along the north coast, maintaining contact with a second infantry-cavalry unit under Narvez, who marched westward inland. The third contingent under Velsquez sailed west along the south coast.

Both coastal expeditions arrived at Carenas Bay as scheduled, without inci- dent. The overland march, however, was an odyssey of pillage and plunder, of death and destruction, culminating in an unprovoked massacre at Caonao in northern Camagey. The carnage at Caonao was not random violenceits purpose was as much to overcome the Indian wherewithal to resist as it was to undermine the Indian will to resist.

The strategy was not without effect. Word of Caonao spread quickly, and organized resistance to Narvez henceforth all but ceased. Indians either submitted unconditionally or ed beyond the reach of Spaniards. These events made a powerful impression on Bartolom de Las Casas who served in the Narvez expedition, causing the rst doubts about the morality of the Spanish conquest. I do not remember, he later wrote of the Narvez march, with how much spilling of human blood he marked that road.

The early phase of Spanish expansion resulted in the establishment of seven settlements: Baracoa , Bayamo , Trinidad , Sancti Spritus , Havana , Puerto Prncipe , and Santiago de Cuba With the exception of Sancti Spritus, all were approachable by water. The orig- inal site of Bayamo had access to a navigable channel. Santiago de Cuba, Bayamo, Trinidad, and Havana faced on the Caribbean, and hence were expected to play an important support role in Spanish expansion into Central and South Amer- ica.

North-coast settlements included the Puerto Prncipe and Baracoa. The selection of Trinidad was inuenced by the proximity of Indian settlements and the presence of gold deposits.

The location of gold placers in the northern inte- rior led to the founding of Sancti Spritus. Puerto Prncipe provided access to the Indians villas of Camagey, reported by contemporary accounts as a site of one of the largest native populations on the island. The original towns of Puerto Prncipe and Havana were subsequently relocated: Havana from its original site on the Gulf of Bataban to its present location on the north coast in and Puerto Prncipe from its original location on Nuevitas Bay to an Indian villa inland known as Camagey in IV The establishment of the seven settlements completed the early colonization of the island.

Santiago de Cuba, establishing the capital on the southeast coast of Cuba. At the time it seemed a wholly appropriate, even advantageous, site for the new capital. Santiago de Cuba provided easy access into the eastern interior. It offered a large and protected harbor, strategically situated at the crossroads of Spanish maritime activity in the Caribbean. Santiago was expected to prosper through its participation in trade with Espaola, Jamaica, and new settlements expanding on the Central American coast and South America.

In fact, how- ever, Spanish maritime activity had already started to shift westward, toward the Yucatn Peninsula and the interior land beyond. The relocation of Havana on the northwest coast four years later was both proof and portent of the redirec- tion of empire.

The selection of Santiago de Cuba as the center of administra- tion situated the capital along the increasingly unimportant sea lanes of the cen- tral Caribbean at a time of the rising importance of the Gulf of Mexico. Santiago de Cuba was at the remote rearward location of the island, almost miles from the western end, from which land and sea communication was dif- cult and transportation often impossible.

Elsewhere on the island, the early settlements ourished. Gold was discov- ered in the extensive streams arroyos of the central highland ranges and the mountain streams of the Sierra Maestra. Placer gold abounded and accounted for the early prosperity of Trinidad, Sancti Spritus, and Bayamo. Gold produc- tion was short-lived, however, and peaked between and , producing revenues estimated at , pesos annually and declining precipitously there- after.

By the mids, gold receipts had fallen to less than 3, pesos yearly. The victorious conquistadores distributed among themselves vast parcels of land, many incorporating the elds previously cultivated by the Indians.

In so doing, the Spanish appropriated more than land; they acquired possession too of available sources of food supply. Colonists readily adopted the cultivation of indigenous crops, most notably yuca, boniato, malanga, and maize. They also introduced European crops, including wheat, rice, bananas, citrus fruits, and sugar cane. Ranching ourished. Vast areas of land were appropriated and dis- tributed for stock raising.

Cattle raising developed very early into an important livelihood, providing both a staple for the local diet and a source of commercial revenues. The early years also witnessed the appropriation of Indian villas and the dis- tribution of Indian labor in the form of encomiendas and repartimientos.

Through the sixteenth century, the Indian population was relocated in new settlements reducciones near the principal Spanish towns in an effort to rationalize the sup- ply of Indian labor and facilitate educational and evangelical activities.

Indians served as the principal labor force in the early colony. They mined the quarries and panned the streams, tilled the elds and tended the ocks. They were eld hands and house servants. From the very outset the prospects for the survival of the Indian were bleak, and they never improved. Their defeat in war all but assured their demise in peace. To the thousands of Indians who perished immediately during the con- quest were tens of thousands of others who succumbed subsequently in the colony.

Death came in many forms. They were regularly overworked and rou- tinely abused. They perished as much from malnutrition as from maltreatment. Indians lost at once control of their labor and the cultivation of their land. Spain introduced a new economic purpose into the island, and nowhere did this change of purpose stand in sharper relief than the new function of land.

Euro- pean agriculture displaced Indian farming. In the months and years that fol- lowed the conquest, the Spanish let loose onto the land vast droves of livestock. The animals found grazing ranges rich in original vegetative covering, and with few New World predators and without Old World diseases, the herds multiplied prodigiously.

As early as , an estimated 30, pigs roamed the Cuban countryside. Cattle herds ourished and multiplied at an astonishing rate. Goats, horses, mules, donkeys, sheep, and domestic fowl thrived, and mostly at the expense of the Indian.

Untold numbers became wild. They fed indiscriminately on the natural grasslands and the cultivated elds upon which the Indians depended. Vast herds of untended beasts strayed freely and without restriction on unfenced ranges, and wrought havoc on Indian agriculture.

This was noth- ing less than the wholesale substitution of an animal population for a human one. The pre-Columbian ecological equilibrium was shattered irrevocably.

The consequences for the Indian were calamitous. Indian agriculture was plunged into disarray and dislocation. Indian communities watched their crops repeatedly destroyed by the vast herds of grazing, trampling beasts, and in the end abandoned their cultivation in despair.

Food supplies dwindled, famine fol- lowed. Families were shattered. Men were relocated to labor camps, women and children were left to survive as best they could.

Most could not. Infant mortal- ity apparently reached staggering proportions, and not all from malnutrition and ill health. Infanticide became commonplace. Fertility rates declined sharply, as Indians simply ceased reproducing themselves. And in increasing numbers, many lost the will to live altogether.

Suicide became one of the most common forms of Indian protest. Individuals and entire families, and on occasion whole villages, would kill themselves, by hanging, ingesting soil, or taking poison. There were days, one Spanish ofcer reported, in which they were all found hanging, with their women and children, fty households of the same village.

Indeed, so prevalent was suicide that it must be considered one of the principal causes of the demise of the Indian in post-conquest Cuba. Overwork, malnutrition, and melancholia set the stage for the next series of calamities to befall Indian communities. Their weakened condition made them easy prey to Old World infections and illnesses. The Spanish arrival released into the Indies microbial infectious diseases previously unknown and against which the indigenous population had little immunity.

Smallpox, measles, typhoid, and dysentery ravaged Indian villas, and ulti- mately contributed to the nal destruction of the native population. One epi- demic in swept across Cuba and reduced the population of some Indian settlements by as much as two-thirds. Another outbreak in again ravaged the native population. The population decline was as startling as it was swift. The number of Indians dwindled from an estimated , on the eve of the con- quest to 19, in to 7, in By the mids, the Indian popu- lation had shrunk to fewer than 3, Not all Indians acquiesced passively to their exploitation and ultimate extinc- tion.

Many refused to submit to the conquistadores, preferring instead to live as fugitives in ight. Many ed inland, into the inaccessible coastal mountains and interior forests; others ed outward, into the impenetrable coastal swamps and onto the offshore islands, from which they later launched periodic raids against Spanish settlements. Indian resistance was henceforth scattered and sporadic.

The conquest was followed by intermittent warfare, short-lived uprisings, and abor- tive revolts. Indian resistance was met by Spanish repression, rebellion was met by reprisal. A type of desultory warfare continued for decades, further con- tributing to the disruption of Indian communities, further hastening the demise of the native population. V The decline of the Indian population initially caused Spanish authorities little concern.

Not that they were insensible to the long-term implications of the dis- appearance of the Indian. Rather, they were preoccupied with more immediate concerns. The occupation of Cuba was but one phase of a larger project of explo- ration and expansion. Concurrent with consolidation in Cuba, and continuing immediately thereafter, the island was transformed into the center of Spanish maritime activity, as the Spanish prepared for expansion to other landsnorth to Florida; west to Central America, the Yucatn Peninsula, and into Mexico; south to Venezuela, Colombia, and eventually Peru.

Its strategic location along the principal approaches to the mainland made Cuba an obvious point from which to launch new expeditions and support new expansion. These consider- ations shaped much of the early Spanish purpose in Cuba, inuencing the selec- tion of sites for settlements and the choice of crops for cultivation: the former with an eye on mainland exploration, the latter as a source of victuals for main- land explorers.

The island provided the necessary personnel for mainland explo- ration, in the form both of labor from among the recently pacied Indian pop- ulation and of crews and soldiers from among the growing ranks of Spanish settlers. The Spanish population of the island increased steadily and in spurts during the rst decade of occupation. Much of this initial increase came at the expense of existing Spanish settlements in the Caribbean, most notably from Jamaica, Puerto Rico, and Espaola.

Indeed, within a decade of the conquest of Cuba, many Spanish settlements in western Espaola had been completely abandoned. Population growth in Cuba continued thereafter steadily if mod- estly from Spain. By the end of the rst decade, an estimated three thousand Spaniards had migrated to the island. It was an unstable population, however, the largest part of which consisted of transient malesnewly arrived and soon to leave, ever on the move in search of new and greater opportunity.

These were generally good times for Cuban settlements. Exploration stimulated economic expansion, and Cuba prospered. The conquest of the mainland raised demands for provisions, supplies, and foodstuffs and created a boom in the local economy. Sales were brisk, as ranchers and farmers furnished the livestock and food supply for the expeditions.

The estab- lishment of Spanish settlements on the mainland created new markets. The Cuban economy ourished. Trade and commerce thrived, agricultural produc- tion increased, and stockbreeding expanded. The success of Spanish expansion was a mixed blessing, however. The con- quest of Mexico and Peru changed everything, and for Cuba most of the changes were for the worse.

The Enterprise of the Indies suddenly assumed continental dimensions, and all at once the Crown and colonists alike turned their attention away from the islands to the mainland. The implications were immediate. So was the impact.

Spanish interest in the Caribbean waned, mar- itime activity declined. Cuban producers lost customers. The mainland settle- ments quickly became self-sufcient, and suppliers in Cuba lost markets, and more: the success of mainland colonization led to the establishment of rival cen- ters of production.

Cuban exports to the mainland, principally in the form of cattle, horses, and pigs, declined and ultimately ended altogether. Sugar, citrus, and wheat took hold readily in Mexico. What colonists could not produce on the mainland, they procured directly from Spain.

Cuba also lost population. Every expedition that departed for the mainland depleted the settlements of the island. In most cases the losses were permanent. More than half of the men who sailed with Hernndez de Crdoba per- ished along the Yucatn coast.

Of the volunteers who accompanied Corts to Mexico, most never returned. Narvez lost almost half his force of 1, in Mexico and almost as many in Florida. Two-thirds of de Sotos troops perished in Florida. The mainland conquests set the stage for the next series of misfortunes to befall the island. Not a few Spanish settlers had reason to leave Cuba.

Prosperity had been short-lived. Gold production was in decline. So was the Indian population. After spending three fruitless years in Tierra Firme and Cuba, Bernal Daz later recalled of his decision to join the Hernndez de Cr- doba expedition to the Yucatn, about of us, settlers from Tierra Firme or Spaniards who had come to Cuba but received no grant of Indians, decided to make an expedition to seek new lands in which to try our fortunes and nd occupation.

The promise of the mainland was also underscored by Cortss call for recruits. Bernal Daz remembered: He ordered a proclamation to be made to the sound of trumpets and drums.

The mainland beckoned, and for many the call was irresistible. In Cuba the effects were immediate and long lasting. The island fell on hard times. The economy collapsed. Cuban prosperity ended almost as quickly as it had begun, giving early form to the enduring boom-bust character of the island economy.

All at once gold production declined, the labor supply diminished, and main- land markets disappeared. Adversity begot adversity. The departure for the mainland of so many so suddenly disrupted the tenuous social equilibrium of post-conquest Cuba.

The Spanish presence in Cuba was reduced to a dwindling population, dispersed throughout isolated settlements, divided against itself into quarrelsome political factions. The occasion seemed auspicious for what remained of the Indians to rise up against what remained of the Spanish.

On two occasions, and on each for a protracted period, after the exodus to Mexico, and , after the migration to Peru and FloridaIndian rebellions threatened Spanish settlements with extinction. Puerto Prncipe and Bayamo were destroyed and rebuiltand destroyed again. Baracoa was attacked repeatedly. Spanish settlers eventually re-established control over the Indians, but not until their ranks had been thinned further. Life in Cuba was transformed into a dreary struggle for daily survival.

Settlers found themselves in an inhospitable environment within an impoverished economy, with no way out except ight from the island altogether. And increasingly, even this option was disappearing.

Spanish ofcials made periodic efforts to halt continued migration from Cuba. During the late s and early s the Council of the Indies issued a number of decrees prohibiting, upon penalty of death and conscation of property, unau- thorized departure from the island. A proclamation in required traveling merchants to post bond to guarantee their return.

In an effort to induce perma- nent family settlement, the crown withheld further distribution of encomiendas to single men. These measures had little immediate effect. Flight continued undiminished. And never more so than during the s and s, when the great silver discoveries in Mexico and Peru offered vast new opportunities for instant riches. By the middle of the sixteenth century, depop- ulation became a real danger.

Fields were unattended, mines were deserted, towns were abandoned. The capital of Santiago de Cuba was reduced to 30 households, with an estimated population of Spanish settlers. Baracoa was in wretched condition, approaching abandonment, and without even sufcient population to ll vacancies in municipal government. Trinidad was abandoned altogether.

By mid-century, the Spanish population of Cuba had fallen to an estimated settlers. Almost all new settlements during the six- teenth century were in the form of Indian reducciones. The only new Spanish town founded during these years was El Cobre near the copper mines in southeastern Cuba.

It would be nearly another one hundred years before the establishment of another Spanish town in Cuba. VI By the middle of the sixteenth century, Cuba assumed the appearance of an abandoned backwater outpost of the Spanish New World empire.

Revenue remittances to Spain declined, and by mid-century had all but ceased com- pletely. The island languished in varying conditions of depression, destitution, and depopulationall to the apparent indifference of colonial authorities. But it happened too that the conditions that relegated Cuba to the outer Caribbean fringes of empire also transformed the Caribbean into the outer defense perimeter of empire.

Spains European adversaries were not slow to rec- ognize the implications of colonial revenues. Indeed, the sheer magnitude of the New World treasure so profoundly threatened to alter the Old World balance of power as to make the Spanish claim of exclusivity over the Indies as impossible to countenance as it was inconceivable to contemplate. Old World conicts quickly passed into a New World context. To overturn Spanish power in Europe it was necessary rst to undermine the Spanish presence in America, and no other area offered as great an advantage as the Caribbean.

A thousand miles of unpro- tected shipping lanes, hundreds of uninhabited islands, and a score of unguarded sea channels made the Caribbean the logical choice from which to attack Spain. Over the Caribbean waterways sailed out the vast treasure eets that subsidized Spain in Europe and the returning cargo vessels that sustained Spain in America. The new European presence in the Caribbean thus had as its purpose two interrelated objectives: the interdiction of the Spanish treasure eets and the interruption of the Spanish supply system.

The strategic signicance of Cuba suddenly loomed large. The island commanded access to the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean and lay astride the three principal maritime approaches to both: the Florida Straits to the north, the Windward Passage to the east, the Yucatn Channel to the west. These were the bottlenecks of empire, the points at which Spains vital maritime lifeline was most vulnerable to attack.

European attacks began early in the sixteenth century, and continued unabated into the seventeenth century. Cuba soon found itself in the forward position of a conict for mastery over the Caribbean waterways and, by impli- cation, for control of the New World treasure. The island bore the brunt of Eu- ropean attacks against Spain. As early as , a French eet occupied Havana.

Between and , French corsairs brought maritime trafc around Santi- ago de Cuba to a virtual halt. In , Baracoa was sacked. In , a French squadron plundered Santiago.

A year later, a naval force under Jacques de Sores attacked Havana, reducing the city to ashes. In , the French again attacked Santiago. During the s and s, English interlopers arrived in the Caribbean. The Dutch arrived at the close of the sixteenth century. Cuba was subjected to a new round of adversities, all of which added to the mounting woes of the local population.

Indeed, decades of intermittent plun- der of the principal Cuban settlements contributed further to the continued depopulation of the island. But it was also now clear that Spain could not acqui- esce to the abandonment of the island. Cuban affairs were no longer matters of limited local consequencesthey had larger, global repercussions. The defense of Cuba was essential to the defense of the empire, for the former was a means to the latter.

Cubas strategic command over the principal New World water- ways could not be relinquished without making colonial defense impossible. Through the latter decades of the sixteenth century, Spain adopted a variety of strategies designed at once to safeguard maritime trafc and secure Cuba.

The Spanish early learned the ways of successful seafaring over Caribbean channels. After the s, virtually all trans-Atlantic shipping sailed under the escort of an armed convoy. Under the ota system, Spain consolidated maritime trafc into two annual eets to the New World: one set sail in April for Vera Cruz and the other departed in August for Nombre de Dios. The eets entered the Caribbean from the east, at Dominica, from which point they caught the prevailing trade- winds westward.

They were accompanied by the powerful and pervasive ocean currents that swept them through the Yucatn Channel and the Florida Straits, and provided the immense impetus of the Gulf Stream current for the return voy- age to Spain.

Cuba stood at the vital exit point, and Havana, with the expansive sheltered harbor along the Gulf Stream, emerged as the ideal site from which to make nal preparations for the long return trans-Atlantic voyage. Both annual otas put in at Havana, whereupon the treasure-laden merchant vessels sailed for Europe under the protection of an armed convoy of galleons. The strategic signicance of Cuba now stood in sharp relief, and the fre- quency with which enemy vessels had previously seized and sacked Cuban ports now took on far-reaching implications.

Indeed, the apparent ease with which the French had captured Havana in had a particularly sobering effect on the Council of the Indies, for it served to underscore the vulnerability of the imperial defense system at one of its most vital points.

The Spanish response was immediate. Military garrisons were established in Havana, providing for a per- manent resident armed force whose number uctuated between and 1, soldiers. Fortications strengthened Havanas defense. The construction of El Morro and La Punta was completed twenty years later. VII The completion of Havana fortications late in the sixteenth century gave pal- pable expression to Cubas place in the greater imperial scheme of things. On its defense rested the defense of the Spanish empire.

Its importance was more mil- itary than commercial, its value more strategic than economic. The administra- tion of local affairs responded more to Spanish foreign policy needs than to Cuban domestic requirements. Increasingly, senior positions in colonial govern- ment passed to professional soldiers, men charged with the defense of Cuba, not its development, and under whom government was a function of military com- mand, and not civilian administration.

Cuba assumed fully the appearance of a military outpost, and was administered accordingly. The inauguration of the ota system conferred a new importance on the island, and none too soon. In fact, the eet system had generally a salutary effect on the economy of western Cuba and contributed to the rapid ascendancy of Havana.

Its population increased, well out of proportion to the rest of the island, and at the expense of the rest of the island. Construction crews to build the forts and army garrisons to guard them contributed to population growth. The emergence of Havana as the port of rendezvous for the annual eets provided a powerful boost to the expansion of the local economy.

A vast oating popula-. El Morro fortress, entrance to Havana harbor. Many were en route from the mainland with newly made fortunes, prepared to make the most of their last port of call before the forty- ve-day trans-Atlantic voyage home. All were transients who required enter- tainment, lodging, food, and goods. A vast array of facilities developed around the needs of crews and passengers during their stay in Cuba. Havana early acquired a tawdry appearance, and became a city teeming with merchants, vendors, gamblers, deserters, and ped- dlers hawking wares of all types.

Many passengers arrived weighed down with fortunes made on the mainland, and relieving them of this weight engaged the resourcefulness of habaneros from all sectors of society. There was money to be made in Havana, by many people, in many ways. This place is the most expen- sive in all the Indies, Governor General Gabriel de Lujn wrote of Havana as early as ; that is because of the great number of ships that pass through here, and the people traveling on them cannot refrain from spending even if they wanted to.

Havana experienced its rst building boom, as construction ex- panded to accommodate the needs of a growing population of residents and transients. Between and , more than housing units were com- pleted.

Almost all sectors of the population participated in the new prosperity. Search icon An illustration of a magnifying glass. User icon An illustration of a person's head and chest.

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Spanning the history of the island from pre-Columbian times to the present, this highly acclaimed survey examines Cuba's political and economic development within the context of its international relations and continuing struggle for self-determination.

The dualism that emerged in Cuban ideology--between liberal constructs of patria and radical formulations of nationality--is fully investigated as a source of both national tension and competing notions of liberty, equality, and justice. Author Louis A. Geography and Pre-Columbian Peoples 2. Colony and Society 3. Out from the Shadows 4. Transformation and Transition 5.

Reform and Revolution in the Colony 6. Between Wars 7. Revolution and Intervention 8.